Europe

Why the Military is the Wrong Tool for Defending Western Society

Why the Military is the Wrong Tool for Defending Western Society

Napoleon’s advantage was created by a change in the sociopolitical environment. It could be argued a similar change in the nature of society and politics has been occurring in the West in the period since World War I. The more recent sociopolitical change occurred among the Western industrial nations over the last century and involved a shift towards individualism. It allowed liberal democracy to become the standard form of Western government. It created a New World Order that allowed for organizations like the EU that would have been unheard of in nineteenth-century Europe.

Blood or Treasure

Europe will pay the cost for hosting refugees — but what currency will they pay it in?

The official total for Middle Eastern and African migrants to Europe so far this year is over 227,000 and the actual number is likely higher. Whether European governments count them as migrants or refugees is irrelevant — they are people, they have fled their homes, and they are seeking a better life in Europe. Given the state of their native countries, it is likely they will stay in Europe — and others will continue to follow — for the foreseeable future.

Europe has at best a mixed track record when it comes to welcoming and integrating Islamic immigrants into their societies.

Some European countries have come to that pragmatic realization — Germany comes to mind — while others like Hungary and Denmark have taken the opposite tack and paid for anti-immigration billboards in Syria and Lebanon aimed at the native population. Setting aside the ludicrous idea that people fleeing their homes ahead of ISIS’ bloodthirsty shock-troops or Assad’s barrel-bomb-dropping helicopters would be deterred by a billboard warning them to stay in place, Denmark and Hungary’s approach to primarily Islamic migrants is not just morally dubious — it is also dangerous.

To understand why, it is necessary to understand two things: first, the historical problems European countries have had integrating Muslim immigrants and secondly, the roots of contemporary Islamic extremism.

Europe has at best a mixed track record when it comes to welcoming and integrating Islamic immigrants into their societies. Even when generally progressive Western European states like France and the United Kingdom allow displaced people to stay, a lack of economic opportunity, pronounced cultural differences, a lack of birthright citizenship, and a time lag between arrival and granting of “indefinite leave to remain” status often combine to make immigrants feel less like welcomed refugees and more like trespassers. The rise of nativist parties on the right ranging from France’s National Front to the United Kingdom’s UKIP does not help. The European right — much like its American counterpart — misses no opportunity to tell migrants they are neither welcomed nor wanted. Is it any wonder that many migrants to the West ultimately end up in enclaves rife with unemployment, crime, and violence?

This situation would be bad enough, but it is made far worse by growing radicalism in the Muslim world.

This cultural isolation, real or perceived, leads to self segregation on the part of migrants and their families and a population of disaffected, disenfranchised, and often unemployed youth. Many in this younger population can only barely remember — if at all — their native countries, and still others may have actually been born in Europe. Still, though, they are strangers where they live.

This situation would be bad enough, but it is made far worse by growing radicalism in the Muslim world.

There are a variety of causes put forward to explain the meteoric rise — over the course of a single generation — of radical interpretations of Islamic law and history. Bernard Lewis in What Went Wrong? sees it as another in a string of Muslim responses to Western military and economic hegemony. Ali Allawi in The Crisis of Islamic Civilization sees the Wahabi Salfism of Al Qaeda as the unfortunate response to capitalism and secularism and calls for a more esoteric Sufi response instead. Still others in both the Middle East and West see the popularity of groups like ISIS in Syria, Libya, Egypt and Iraq as a response to corrupt, inefficient governments that marginalize large swaths of the population.

Whatever the reason, the fact is, Muslim youth today are more vulnerable to the lure of jihadi extremists than they have in the past. This is particularly true for Sunnis, who have ISIS and Al Qaeda to look to, but the Shia Hezbollah has an international following as well.

So what is Europe to do with the the fact that Muslim youth often feel adrift and unwelcome in their adoptive European homes and the unfortunate trend of rising radicalism?

This is where Europe must decide how it will pay the bill for the refugees — in treasure or blood.

This will not be cheap nor easy given the state of budget and unemployment across the continent.

Europe can make the expensive decision now to welcome migrants with open arms and open checkbooks by upgrading their refugee centers, increasing school programs aimed at migrant children, creating or improving social programs with an eye towards cultural integration, and providing job training to their newest source of labor. This will not be cheap nor easy given the state of budget and unemployment across the continent. National and party leaderswill have to lead their constituencies to the idea that, while fiscally difficult, spending money to welcome the migrants with the idea of integration and permanent settlement is better than the alternative.

And that alternative is to continue down the current path — the path that tries to discourage immigration, that paints people fleeing violence and famine as “economic migrants” rather than refugees, and that only reluctantly integrates — if at all — those that do manage to gain permanent or semi-permanent residence. This approach may be cheaper in the short term, but saving treasure now will result in a blood payment later. Failure to successfully integrate this current wave of migration will result in a group of youth in Europe singularly susceptible to jihadi charms — culturally isolated in an alien land, with little opportunity, and nursing resentment for the very land they live in.

Spending money now will save Europe the pain and expense of another Charlie Hebdo attack, more TGV gunmen, and 7/7 bombings.

Pay now, or pay later.


Header photo: Syrian refugees strike in front of Budapest Keleti railway station. Refugee crisis. Budapest, Hungary, Central Europe, 3 September 2015. Photo Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.


David Dixon is a former active duty Armor officer who now serves in the South Carolina Army National Guard. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the US Army, The South Carolina National Guard, the DoD, or the U.S. Government.


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One Year in Paris

Beginning in the summer of 2014, I was provided a unique opportunity to live and work in Paris for one year. From this home base, I was permitted to travel anywhere in Europe and Eurasia that I wished as long as certain provisions were met (the location had to be in my plan and I had to be allowed entry). I recently departed the City of Light. This is what I learned.

During my year in Paris, I was required to meet several objectives, to include familiarizing myself with US government policy and its formulation, learning about US military involvement in Europe and Eurasia, seeking experiences to interact with other national militaries, and increasing my understanding of the European and Eurasian regions through personal study and firsthand experience.

Ultimately, the experience was useful in helping me identify regional trends that I think will shape Europe’s future political and security landscape.

 

View of the Eiffel Tower from the southwest.

View of the Eiffel Tower from the southwest.

After one year, I am still by no means an expert in European and Eurasian political or security affairs. Yet, I think that I can can comfortably say I am more knowledgeable than before thanks to a combination of travel, practitioner insights, and a graduate degree earned the year prior. Ultimately, the experience was useful in helping me identify regional trends that I think will shape Europe’s future political and security landscape.

To understand Europe as a region, it must be remembered that Europe encompasses many nations that regularly exercise parochial interests. Although, many are hopeful that European nations will continue to move in a direction of greater solidarity. In the mean time, Europe’s main unifying body, the European Union (EU), is effective at creating some governing laws and policies but individual nations still retain a significant amount of autonomy and their national interests often trump the EU’s interests.

Many members fear what the precedent any departure could mean for the future stability and functionality of the union.

People and Money

Some of the issues that will continue to shape regional European political and security landscape are as follows (in no particular order). The recent tensions in Calais over migrants crossing between France and Great Britain are an example of one issue that will haunt Europe as a region for some time to come. Recent horrific tragedies have brought this trend to the forefront of current events. The path and final destination of the migrants and refugees who safely make it to the shores and borders of Europe is creating tension among EU members, especially for those on the southern tier like Spain, France, Italy, and Greece. For now, individual citizens and the larger European nations, like Germany and France, continue to accept migrants and refugees but the EU is struggling to find a viable option to stem the flow and prevent tragedy. A change to the Schengen Area is not out of the realm of possibility.

The stability of the union — whether it be the EU itself or the Euro economic zone — is also contested given the possibility of one member nation’s departure(Great Britain) and one Eurozone nation’s departure (Greece). For now, a “Grec-xit” has been averted and many hope (and just as many doubt) that Greece can turn around its broken bureaucratic and budgetary practices to prevent another scare. Likewise, many EU members fear what the precedent any departure could mean for the future stability and functionality of the union.

How Safe is Europe?

Social and economic issues are not the only regional challenges Europe faces today. Many European nations are faced with questioning their own security. An old foe, Russia, has again reared its head and stomped back into Eastern Europe. After several years of playing nice, the US and NATO were largely caught off guard and had to mount a counter campaign and reverse many policy initiatives aimed at cooperation with Russia and reset. Much of their positive effort was suspended despite expending significant political capital on befriending Russia after the breakup of the Soviet Union and prior to the Crimea and Ukraine crises.

Finally, the scourge of conflict in the Middle East continues to worry European nations. Whether it is the threat of terrorism in their cities or the implications of efforts to train, equip, and support various regional and national security and militia forces, no outlook appears promising at this point to deliver stability to the Middle East.

Focus on France

For France, in particular, the US has found itself more often than not aligned with and in support of “our oldest ally’s” efforts to curb terrorism and build stability, especially in Africa and the Middle East. While France’s efforts likely relieve pressure from the US having to go it alone, it is necessary to realize that France’s interests in Africa mostly extend to its former colonies and to those nations with stakes in the French defense industries. So while it is certainly good for US security interests that the French are being proactive (i.e. operational deployments along with active diplomatic efforts), one must recognize that these efforts are limited to specific regions and countries. They are not meant to shape or influence large swathes of the continent. Some (or all) of this constraint is because of the limitations currently imposed on the French military.

French troops guard tourist and culturally sensitive sites in France.

French troops guard tourist and culturally sensitive sites in France.

Due to the January 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, the government is requiring the military to conduct more domestic operations than originally planned in their budget. This unforeseen operational tempo has largely fallen on the French army causing it to stretch its budget all-the-while placing a higher burden on military personnel, units, and equipment.

Maintaining active sanctions against Russian businesses and some notable figures have been the most high profile efforts.

What is the US Doing?

On the policy front, the US has pushed for European unity on their collective relations with Russia. Thanks in part to Germany’s willingness to stay the course, maintaining active sanctions against Russian businesses and some notable figures have been the most high profile efforts. Sanctioning Russia, however, has proven difficult for many former Soviet bloc (now EU) countries that have maintained historical ties to Russia. Public and political support for Russia still lingers in parts of these nations. Russia’s robust energy network that supplies many European nations has also proven a difficult obstacle to overcome.

To foster an overall annual increase in the EU and US economies, the current US administration has pushed to increase trade with the EU in the form of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP). In the same vein, the US has urged NATO members to hold fast to (or work up to) spending two percent of their GDP on defense. Yet, many small NATO allies have tended to spend more on niche capabilities like Special Operations Forces than on modernization or mass. On the other hand, those on the “North Eastern flank,” like Poland, have recognized Russia is no longer a docile bear and have begun to modernize and prepare for worst case scenarios.

Where’s the Rub?

Is the US in a position to do anything about these trends? I would argue yes and no. On the security front, the US broke its gaze on the Pacific and realized not all was well in Europe after Russia annexed Crimea and incited (and supported) separatists to break apart Ukraine. This has lead to policy initiatives like the European Reassurance Initiative as well as an increase of US and NATO military operations in Europe. All of this to prove to our NATO allies (and to Russia and the world) that the US has not forgotten about its Article V commitments and that peace and the security of Europe still matters. In addition to these initiatives, the US should provide diplomatic and operational support to its allies and partners who have been more willing as of late to go beyond rhetoric such as aforementioned Poland and France.

Twelve A-10s and about 300 airmen are deploying to Spangdahlem Air Base, Germany, as part of the Air Force’s first theater security package to Europe. (Photo: Senior Airman Jesse Shipps/Air Force)

Twelve A-10s and about 300 airmen are deploying to Spangdahlem Air Base, Germany, as part of the Air Force’s first theater security package to Europe. (Photo: Senior Airman Jesse Shipps/Air Force)

On the contrary, the days of the Marshall Plan are long gone. On the social and economic front, the US does not have many uni-lateral options. The US can strongly suggest that Europe listen to its policy recommendations. It can also provide money and programs to support US and allied interests. But at the end of the day, the Europeans must buy in and commit to making their own path. If either the US or EU want to treat the causes of the trends highlighted above and not just the symptoms, the US should chose to lead through multi-lateral coalitions (or empower other European nations to do so).

These are just some of the recent trends spreading across Europe that I noticed during my year in Paris. It is by no means all inclusive and many of the issues and problems that these trends present are extremely complex with no easy solution in sight. Yet, because I was exposed to a wide range of European political and military issues, I think that I emerged more capable of understanding the region and able to contribute regional resolutions.


Jason James is a U.S. Army officer and a graduate of the U.S. Naval Post Graduate School with a Masters Degree in European and Eurasian Security Studies. He is a French speaker and a European and Eurasian specialist. The opinions expressed are the author’s alone, and do not reflect those of the U.S. Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government.


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Europe’s Future as a Global Power

Europe’s Future as a Global Power

The future of Europe as a relevant 21st century actor still lies in its ability to successfully deepen the integration of communities which it began towards the end of the last century. As the 21st century progresses the US will assume a “first among equals” role in the international system rather than remain the sole superpower. Hiding beneath the American umbrella will cease to be a strategy and become a liability. In the coming multi-polar world, Europe must learn to wean itself off the US if it is ever to become its own community and strong enough to set an independent agenda. This will not be easy.